The struggle of the indigenous of Chiapas for the conquest of their rights for a century and lasts until the end of the second millennium came to the fore, causing the mobilization of associations, movements, parties and unions around the world. Zapatismo, although it is present on the Mexican and international political scene from just 11 years, so has deeper roots.
the beginning of 1900 Emiliano Zapata became the leader of the peasants of southern Mexico during a revolt against the dictatorship that spread across the country. After his death, the conditions of the indigenous worse and worse with the expansion of large estates and the exploitation of workers.
In 1983 a small group made up of mestizos and Indians gave the place the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) that 11 years later, on 1 January 1994, with the entry into force of the Treaty of free trade in North America, took twelve days to San Cristobal de las Casas Chiapas and other cities calling for civil rights, democracy, land, social rights and respect for indigenous culture.
the beginning of 1900 Emiliano Zapata became the leader of the peasants of southern Mexico during a revolt against the dictatorship that spread across the country. After his death, the conditions of the indigenous worse and worse with the expansion of large estates and the exploitation of workers.
In 1983 a small group made up of mestizos and Indians gave the place the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) that 11 years later, on 1 January 1994, with the entry into force of the Treaty of free trade in North America, took twelve days to San Cristobal de las Casas Chiapas and other cities calling for civil rights, democracy, land, social rights and respect for indigenous culture.
In the decade since the Zapatista movement, which has gained visibility on the political scene in Mexico and internationally through the EZLN, was involved in negotiations with institutions, but also of numerous acts of repression by military and paramilitary forces employed by the central government. Meanwhile, the indigenous people of Chiapas have developed a form of alternative to the official government through the creation of autonomous communities, run by representatives elected through public meetings involving the entire population. In these communities have the principle of collective labor, so the money is divided within the community itself, without any personal interest. Meanwhile, the EZLN, as well as to take up arms to defend the rights of indigenous people, also assumed a political role and is the focal point for communication with civil society in Mexico and internationally. 
After testing the alternative Zapatista, born August 9, 2003 Caracoles, managed by the Juntas of Good Government, replacing the old Aguascalientes, creating a new form of administration of the Zapatista autonomous regions. At that point, Subcomandante Marcos, EZLN leader figure, announced his departure from the political scene. He explains that "the Zapatista Army of National Liberation can not be the voice of those in charge, that the government (Zapatista ed), even if those in power, obeying commands and is a good government." In his long speech said that the armies should be used to defend and not to govern and announced the withdrawal of all the checkpoints and controls who were on the trails and roads. The EZLN will continue to work to protect communities from attacks by the military and paramilitaries. 
Today, little more than two years after the birth of the Caracoles, the indigenous, peasants and poor people without name of Chiapas who chose to believe in the alternator Zapatista, administer the territory under their own steam in which they live. Theirs is a non-violent struggle that takes shape in working the land, construction of schools and hospitals. Their request is that you meet the basic human rights, the land rights, the right to family, the right to food, the right to life. What the EZLN is that most indigenous people want to finally come out from centuries of poverty, oppression and ignorance, without losing their culture, traditions and lifestyle. They fight for the respect the autonomy of their territories, a sort of self-government that supersedes the state government of Chiapas, which takes no account of the natives. In this way, they are also defending the concepts that the rest of Mexican society does not allow, such as communal property and the government from below.
The situation is complex. Chiapas is an extremely rich in resources (particularly oil and biodiversity), and most electricity is generated right here in Mexico. Nonetheless, indigenous peoples are the poorest in all of Mexico. The autonomy which the Zapatistas aim also includes the control over the use of these resources, which is not well received by the government or by companies that exploit them. The EZLN breaks with the tradition of revolutionary groups, except for the first insurrection of the first two weeks of 1994 and for the capture of some communities short time later, it was not aware of any use of violent actions. However, reject the use of normal political channels offered by Mexico, including the formation of a political party or alliance with a party that already exists. They argue that these rules are not always helpful, especially for the Indians.
They made some very visible protests, such as the march from Chiapas arrived in Mexico City in 2000, with press conferences and meetings with civil society (and parts) for each phase. It was a great act peaceful demonstration and the accidents were almost exclusive "reports. This peaceful approach is one reason for the longevity and the great popularity among the civilian population. 
History EZLN The EZLN was formed November 17, 1983, an event still celebrated. Its founders came in part from other groups, including fighters and other peaceful (in both cases ignored by the federal government and Chiapas). They broke in the national and international Jan. 1, 1994, to coincide with the entry into force of NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement), known in English as TLC (Tractado de Libre Comercio), an agreement between Mexico, USA and Canada facilitation of business between these countries. They further stated that was their way of saying "Aqui Estamos" (We are still here) in the midst of a globalization that imposes new rules that take no account of their most basic needs. The indigenous fighters, wearing balaclavas and scarves to cover her face, took that day five municipalities in Chiapas (San Cristobal de las Casas, Altamirano, Las Margaritas, Ocosingo Oxchuc, Huixtan and Chanal, also wanted to take Tuxtla Gutierrez, but not they knew enough). From the town of San Cristobal, Subcomandante Marcos has read the first declaration of the Lacandon Jungle, in which he declared war on the government of Mexico and proclaimed freedom, justice and democracy for all Mexicans. It has also been taken prisoner of war, the former governor of Chiapas, Gen. Abasolón Castellanos Dominguez, the latter was subsequently tried and convicted by a court indigenous symbolic, but released without abuse of any kind. However, the day after they fled from the towns in Chiapas, chased by the army that gave them the game by any means (including helicopters). There were huge demonstrations by civil society, calling on both sides for a ceasefire, but most siding from the EZLN. After twelve days of fighting, President Carlos Salinas de Gortari, his last year in office, accepted the proposal of the EZLN a dialogue with the mediation of the diocese of San Cristobal.
The negotiations lasted three years, with high, low and interruptions. Ended with the signing of the San Andrés, according to which the government should amend the Constitution by including the recognition of indigenous peoples and cultures, as well as legislative autonomy. A committee of MPs from various political parties, called COCOPA, has slightly modified the text of the agreement with the consent of the EZLN. The Government of Chiapas, now led by President Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de León, however, did not respect the agreements and has increased military presence in the areas of influence of the Zapatistas. This was followed by EZLN's silence lasted three years.
have been reported many violations of the ceasefire agreements and by the Chiapas government, while the federal government has always tried not to get involved, calling it a local problem. The army and the paramilitaries committed various acts of violence, the most serious of which is undoubtedly the killings in Acteal. On that occasion the paramilitaries attacked a non-Zapatista communities and non-violent, killing 45 people, among whom there were four pregnant women were ripped open with the machete.
The negotiations lasted three years, with high, low and interruptions. Ended with the signing of the San Andrés, according to which the government should amend the Constitution by including the recognition of indigenous peoples and cultures, as well as legislative autonomy. A committee of MPs from various political parties, called COCOPA, has slightly modified the text of the agreement with the consent of the EZLN. The Government of Chiapas, now led by President Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de León, however, did not respect the agreements and has increased military presence in the areas of influence of the Zapatistas. This was followed by EZLN's silence lasted three years.
have been reported many violations of the ceasefire agreements and by the Chiapas government, while the federal government has always tried not to get involved, calling it a local problem. The army and the paramilitaries committed various acts of violence, the most serious of which is undoubtedly the killings in Acteal. On that occasion the paramilitaries attacked a non-Zapatista communities and non-violent, killing 45 people, among whom there were four pregnant women were ripped open with the machete.
Period 2000-2002 The new president Vicente Fox Quesada, elected in 2000, sent to Congress the so-called law COCOPA (amendments to the Constitution) December 5, 2000 as promised during the election campaign. Many government officials criticized these changes and this prompted the EZLN to organize a peaceful march to Mexico City, where they would set out its views on the Mexican government. The walk in March 2001, attended by political groups in other parts of the world, the population has understood and supported, and the media have closely followed.
Shortly after this event, Congress has approved a modified version of the law COCOPA, which did not include the terms of autonomy, which some say violated certain constitutional rights (property private and secret ballot). For the EZLN and other political groups that fight for the rights of the Indians, this was a betrayal, yet another lie of the government. COCOPA the law, or what was left of, entered into force on 14 August 2001. Taken together with the recent electoral victory of Fox (the first victory of the PAN, Partido Nacional de Aciòn, after years of domination of the PRI, Partido Revolucionario Institucional), slowed movement, taking away even coverage by the media.
Subsequently, there was a complaint to the Supreme Court, which was followed by a decision of 6 September 2002, alleging that the COCOPA was a set of constitutional amendments and legislation such as was misnamed; annul constitutional changes was beyond the powers of the Court, would be a violation of the powers of Congress.
Shortly after this event, Congress has approved a modified version of the law COCOPA, which did not include the terms of autonomy, which some say violated certain constitutional rights (property private and secret ballot). For the EZLN and other political groups that fight for the rights of the Indians, this was a betrayal, yet another lie of the government. COCOPA the law, or what was left of, entered into force on 14 August 2001. Taken together with the recent electoral victory of Fox (the first victory of the PAN, Partido Nacional de Aciòn, after years of domination of the PRI, Partido Revolucionario Institucional), slowed movement, taking away even coverage by the media.
Subsequently, there was a complaint to the Supreme Court, which was followed by a decision of 6 September 2002, alleging that the COCOPA was a set of constitutional amendments and legislation such as was misnamed; annul constitutional changes was beyond the powers of the Court, would be a violation of the powers of Congress.
2003 Since December 1994, the Zapatistas have gradually started to form different autonomous municipalities. In August 2003, Marcos wrote press releases that explain how these municipalities have developed come to govern themselves, community programs in food production and health systems, and free school partly supported by NGOs. All this was entirely independent of the services offered by the government which did not pay any attention to culture, the needs and indigenous medicine. He announced the creation of four (now five) juntas de buengobierno (juntas good governance), consisting of representatives of municipalities and overseen by the EZLN. They were used to verify that the absence of corruption and abuse of power and that you always follow the dictates Zapatista send obedeciendo (obeying, also appears in the welcome signs on the border of the territories of the EZLN: send aqui el pueblo y el gobierno obedece here controls the people and the government obeys.) Many analysts have applauded this initiative: the government of the people for the people in front of the inefficiency of the state that ignores the needs of people, but others have found that the initiative create a state within a state was at least dangerous.
2004 In 2004, spreads the rumor that Subcomandante is no longer in Chiapas. In fact was not seen in the area for quite some time, neither has responded to requests for interviews. For a long time, his writings come to civil society only through email and the web. These are certainly not evidence, but some journalists write that Marcos left the state. Some even left him a long time and now lives in Europe.
For the first half of 2004, Marcos has maintained silence. Since the mid-year, Luis H. Alvarez, head of the COCOPA, the only official link between the government and the EZLN, declared that Marcos had not been seen recently in Chiapas and that she knew where he was. The EZLN, however, meanwhile, had remained active.
In August 2004, Subcomandante brief statement sent to the Mexican press. They, together, are entitled: "Reading a video", published August 20 to 28. The first and the last is presented as a description of an imaginary low-budget video Zapatista, Marcos of the others were comments on political events and the situation and development of the EZLN. In particular, it describes the results of a year's work of the autonomous municipalities and the council of good governance. It has members in continuous rotation to promote transparency and to give everyone the opportunity to serve the community. The reports are initially passed unnoticed, partly because of the Olympic Games of Athens 2004 and the Congress of the IMSS pension system reforms.
For the first half of 2004, Marcos has maintained silence. Since the mid-year, Luis H. Alvarez, head of the COCOPA, the only official link between the government and the EZLN, declared that Marcos had not been seen recently in Chiapas and that she knew where he was. The EZLN, however, meanwhile, had remained active.
In August 2004, Subcomandante brief statement sent to the Mexican press. They, together, are entitled: "Reading a video", published August 20 to 28. The first and the last is presented as a description of an imaginary low-budget video Zapatista, Marcos of the others were comments on political events and the situation and development of the EZLN. In particular, it describes the results of a year's work of the autonomous municipalities and the council of good governance. It has members in continuous rotation to promote transparency and to give everyone the opportunity to serve the community. The reports are initially passed unnoticed, partly because of the Olympic Games of Athens 2004 and the Congress of the IMSS pension system reforms.
Period 2005-2006 In June 2005 the EZLN declared a state of red alert: for a few days Caracol are closed, their activities are suspended, the militia are called to reach the mountain troops of the EZLN and the foreign operators (NGOs) are invited to leave the Zapatista territories, or remain under its liability only if older. Initially, the reasons are not explained and the news is associated with some recent moves of the paramilitary groups. That such claim to have burned three large marijuana plantations in Zapatista territory, only the region indicated by them is rather far from the zone of influence of the EZLN. In addition, the regular army has left some stations that were immediately taken by the paramilitaries. It is therefore feared an imminent violent attack. In fact it was later learned that the alert was due to an important meeting, which lasted several days, which involved all the Zapatistas, for its entire duration, the EZLN would not be able to defend the civil activities and the safety of foreigners. Based on this meeting was delivered to the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle.
According to this document, the EZLN is committed to support all its previous activities that will be adopted at a subsequent press of Subcomandante Marcos The Other Campaign. The EZLN has decided to leave its borders and meet any group (whether political, social, collective, cultural, artistic, etc..) You tell the left, with the hope that only a political project of the left can save the country from the crisis. In fact intend to create a unique movement (even if not planning to expand its ranks, he says) of national revolt that could go with proposals to replace the current electoral system from the bottom. This fact is considered corrupt and dysfunctional - and even the leaders of the PRD, the Democratic Revolutionary Party, or the Mexican left, are exempt from this criticism. The EZLN has therefore scheduled a series of meetings with various organizations, by category (political organizations, social organizations, indigenous groups, NGOs and cultural and artistic groups and collectives, individuals, plus an extra meeting for those who could not participate in any 'other meeting). The meetings were held in August and September, only to arrive Sept. 16 at a plenary meeting of all groups. In summary
plenum outlining what will be the implementation of projects will the Other Campaign: January 1, 2006 a delegation (unarmed) began in San Cristobal for a journey through all of Mexico in order to meet the diverse local realities in a meeting and build an itinerant network of relationships between different groups of extra-parliamentary left. The march will end symbolically in June, shortly before the presidential election. At the head of the delegation was the same place that Marcos took the title of "Delegate Zero" (zero or even sub-delegation, in keeping with the concept of Subcomandante). The agreements provide
then another series of trips and meetings, including one international (called by the EZLN Intergalactic) open to teams from foreign countries.
The EZLN has expressed a willingness to vacate the Other Campaign of self-determination and influence on it only and only through democratic means: he wants to make it clear that his campaign is like any other group participants.
According to this document, the EZLN is committed to support all its previous activities that will be adopted at a subsequent press of Subcomandante Marcos The Other Campaign. The EZLN has decided to leave its borders and meet any group (whether political, social, collective, cultural, artistic, etc..) You tell the left, with the hope that only a political project of the left can save the country from the crisis. In fact intend to create a unique movement (even if not planning to expand its ranks, he says) of national revolt that could go with proposals to replace the current electoral system from the bottom. This fact is considered corrupt and dysfunctional - and even the leaders of the PRD, the Democratic Revolutionary Party, or the Mexican left, are exempt from this criticism. The EZLN has therefore scheduled a series of meetings with various organizations, by category (political organizations, social organizations, indigenous groups, NGOs and cultural and artistic groups and collectives, individuals, plus an extra meeting for those who could not participate in any 'other meeting). The meetings were held in August and September, only to arrive Sept. 16 at a plenary meeting of all groups. In summary
plenum outlining what will be the implementation of projects will the Other Campaign: January 1, 2006 a delegation (unarmed) began in San Cristobal for a journey through all of Mexico in order to meet the diverse local realities in a meeting and build an itinerant network of relationships between different groups of extra-parliamentary left. The march will end symbolically in June, shortly before the presidential election. At the head of the delegation was the same place that Marcos took the title of "Delegate Zero" (zero or even sub-delegation, in keeping with the concept of Subcomandante). The agreements provide
then another series of trips and meetings, including one international (called by the EZLN Intergalactic) open to teams from foreign countries.
The EZLN has expressed a willingness to vacate the Other Campaign of self-determination and influence on it only and only through democratic means: he wants to make it clear that his campaign is like any other group participants.
The COMMAND There are, according to a rough estimate, 76 masters, but only a Subcomandante. This is because their leaders have a mandate from the people's congresses at any time and their title could be revoked; Subcomandante instead commands the army and that is why there is a step lower.
addition to the hood, generally results in a red handkerchief tied around his neck and a pipe in his mouth. It is identifiable from other Zapatista commanders from the two.
The stick with which sometimes appears is the staff of command of the militia of the EZLN, entrusted by the commanders. He currently lives in hiding with the militia in the mountains of Chiapas.
The name "Marcos" is an acronym for some of the city occupied by the Zapatistas in January 1994: Margaritas, Altamirano, Rancho Nuevo, Comitán, Ocosingo, San Cristobal (Comitán even though it was conquered by the Zapatistas. According to a similar version, "C" identified the community of Chanal).
addition to the hood, generally results in a red handkerchief tied around his neck and a pipe in his mouth. It is identifiable from other Zapatista commanders from the two.
The stick with which sometimes appears is the staff of command of the militia of the EZLN, entrusted by the commanders. He currently lives in hiding with the militia in the mountains of Chiapas.
The name "Marcos" is an acronym for some of the city occupied by the Zapatistas in January 1994: Margaritas, Altamirano, Rancho Nuevo, Comitán, Ocosingo, San Cristobal (Comitán even though it was conquered by the Zapatistas. According to a similar version, "C" identified the community of Chanal).
Although Marcos (or support) only appear in public with their faces covered by balaclavas, the Mexican government Feb. 9, 1995 he claimed to have identified in the person of Rafael Sebastián Guillén Vicente, a former and researcher at the University of Mexico City.
Guillén was born in Mexico, son of English immigrants, he studied in a Jesuit school in Tampico. Later he moved to the federal district, where he majored in philosophy at the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM) with a thesis entitled "Filosofía y educación: prácticas discursivas ideológicas y prácticas en libros de texto de primary. The later worked as a professor at the Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana.
Marcos has always denied being Rafael Guillén.'s family said to ignore it where it is located and refused to confirm or deny the identification made by the government. During the grand march, which in 2001 led the Zapatistas in Mexico City, Marcos visited the UNAM and in his speech it was clear that he had been in earlier in those places.
Like many people of his generation, Marcos was influenced by the massacre of Tlatelolco in 1968 and went into a Maoist organization, going back to Zapatismo.
However, the encounter with indigenous movements in Chiapas transformed his approaching ideology in revolutionary visions more postmodernist. Other ideas he presented in his speeches or actions are most associated with the revisionist Marxist ideals of Antonio Gramsci, popular in Mexico when he was studying at university.
Guillén was born in Mexico, son of English immigrants, he studied in a Jesuit school in Tampico. Later he moved to the federal district, where he majored in philosophy at the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM) with a thesis entitled "Filosofía y educación: prácticas discursivas ideológicas y prácticas en libros de texto de primary. The later worked as a professor at the Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana.
Marcos has always denied being Rafael Guillén.'s family said to ignore it where it is located and refused to confirm or deny the identification made by the government. During the grand march, which in 2001 led the Zapatistas in Mexico City, Marcos visited the UNAM and in his speech it was clear that he had been in earlier in those places.
Like many people of his generation, Marcos was influenced by the massacre of Tlatelolco in 1968 and went into a Maoist organization, going back to Zapatismo.
However, the encounter with indigenous movements in Chiapas transformed his approaching ideology in revolutionary visions more postmodernist. Other ideas he presented in his speeches or actions are most associated with the revisionist Marxist ideals of Antonio Gramsci, popular in Mexico when he was studying at university.
A secondary element of the great communication skills Marcos - capacity which is perhaps the main reason why the case Chiapas is more than a decade the attention of the media - it is his writing. Their press, his letters are of exquisite workmanship. With him the political press has come out from the narrow political sphere to enter the literary. We must remember above all two characters he created: the old Don Antonio and Durito of the Jungle. The first represents the side of his native culture, while the second is an expression of Western culture. Don Durito it is a beetle that, similar to Don Quixote thinks he is a knight errant, and is the same as the Marcos was his squire. Don Durito the Nobel Prize for Literature Octavio Paz, certainly not politically very similar to Marcos, said it is "memorable literary invention." Claiming that the Subcomandante Marcos replied, with his personal taste for paradox, "he is not an invention, it is real. I do, if anything, are an invention. "In 2004, the Mexican newspaper La Jornada published a serialized novel called Dead uncomfortable (what is missing is missing) (incómodos Muertos) and co-written by Marcos and Paco Ignacio Taibo II . Posted by Libération in France and in Italy by the Charter (with translation by Pino Cacucci), was originally to have also an author Manuel Vázquez Montalbán, but the sudden disappearance of the latter did not cancel the project, and indeed, as he said it Marcos himself, "because of his absence we have designed our part as a small tribute to Don Manuel." In 2005 the novel was published in Italy in volume by Marco Tropea Publisher.
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